Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism by Benedict Anderson

Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism by Benedict Anderson is a comprehensive examination of nationalism as a phenomenon. Nationalism is a relatively new phenomenon, emerging from the New World, though that is hard to imagine with its current ubiquity.  Nationalism began with religious empires, popularization of languages and vernaculars, then strengthened and spread with colonialism.

The author breaks the book down by nationalism's evolution, which is how I'll break down this summary, too. 

Nationalism, in theory

Off the bat, several important distinctions exist around nationalism: it is a common feeling that arises within a group of people which defines community; it is not a theory of government or economics like capitalism, communism, fascism, etc. Nationalism is an imagined connectedness with others based on shared qualities of a culture relative to the difference of another group, likely within their own societies. For example, one knew that they were "French" because their neighboring society didn't speak or write French or practice Catholicism; they were "German." The author goes so far as to do a literary analysis showing a transition in a news publication from "a destitute vagrant..." to "our young man..." indicating a novel shared ownership over all parts of society, (p48). Additionally, language and its sentimentality, became a key part of nation-building: "through...language, encountered at the mother's knee and parted with only at the grave, pasts are restored, fellowships are imagined, and futures dreamed," (p204). 

Additionally, it is often connected to statehood, but is not exclusive. Within today's more globalized society, these two distinctions are critical to be able to parse out nationalism as a cultural phenomenon and to fully understand this book and its framework.

Furthermore, the author identifies three paradoxes which define nationalism: "(1) The objective modernity of nations to the historian's eye vs. their subjective antiquity in the eyes of nationalists. (2) The formal universality of nationality as a sociocultural concept - in the modern world everyone can, should, will 'have' a nationality, as he or she 'has' a gender- vs. the irremediable particularity of its concrete manifestations, such that, by definition, 'Greek' nationality is sui generis. (3) The 'political' power of nationalisms vs. their philosophical poverty and incoherence." (p19). 

Creation & growth of nationalism, in the context of colonialism

There are a couple of things that accelerate the creation of a 'nation': literacy, which allowed widespread information and arousal of popular support (p112); models of other nations, which led to an easily replicable national movement (p114); and, once again, relativity. When one group in a place saw other groups in that same place build a nation, there was an anticipatory fear of marginalization (p138). 

Nationalism as a movement also grows for a couple of reasons, some of which are fabricated by those promoting it: legitimacy through historical claim, and the idea that a nation is "interestless," and so, it "can ask for sacrifices," (p194). These factors of shared values and an inherent trust that those who were within a community also created mutual fears and an informal social contract of sacrifice for members of a shared society. 

By the time this shared willingness of sacrifice was established, identities within places also became more obvious. There were several institutions, specific to colonies, which accelerated the spread and strength of nationalistic movements: colonial schools, the census, the map, and the museum. By institutionalizing and defining the geography of a place, forcing people to identify themselves as a specific group, and providing a centralized place of shared heritage for the oppressed group, colonial governments strengthened vernacular nationalism. Further, colonial schools were a function of official nationalism by providing a government curriculum, but it was also a meeting place for individuals who were higher classes and from different places. The official colonialism of institutions in turn catalyzed the growth of vernacular nationalism. 

Types of nationalism

Additionally, Anderson distinguishes vernacular nationalism from official nationalism: "official nationalism was typically a response on the part of threatened dynastic and aristocratic groups - upper classes - to popular vernacular nationalism,"  (p200). What's interesting about this dynamic is that the two nationalisms were effectively movements responding to each other; colonized folks finding an identity in response to the racism & mistreatment they experienced from the colonizers and the natives who supported the colonizers. 

A sticking point of the book was that nationalism was a positive feedback loop. Once it started across the glove in America, people realized they could also have a nation-state, which in turn mentally solved concerns of marginalization both by colonizers and other countries. Now, its everywhere. 

Overall, I felt like I needed a bit more background on nationalism & political theory to fully appreciate the book, but I think I learned a lot from this book. Thanks, Jeremy, for the recommendation. 

Miscellaneous:

Tupac Shakur named himself after Tupac Amaru, a Uruguayan revolutionary patriot considered one of the last great indigenous rebels.