2023 Books in Review

This year, I read 24 books, exceeding my goal of 22. I hit 8921 pages this year, maxed out at 1786 pages in one month and averaged 743 pages per month, 25 per day. I read a lot of different types of books this year, but a few stand out: 

1) Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee

2) Killers of the Flower Moon

3) Ten Year War

4) Devil in the Grove

5) Evicted 

6) Fever in the Heartland

7) To Start A War 

8) River of Doubt 

On Encounters with the Archdruid by John McPhee

Encounters with the Archdruid by John McPhee is, essentially, a profile on David Brower, longtime Sierra Club leader who fundamentally changed conservationism in America. The book chronicles trips between McPhee, Brower, and people who’ve been on the other side of Brower- those who support mining, development, and dams. 

Brower is credited with stopping dams which would have flooded places like Dinosaur National Monument, Yosemite, and the Grand Canyon. McPhee brings Brower on long, hard, outdoors trips with people he’s had significant conflict with and shows the different perspectives on land conservation. 

Miscellaneous Quotes: 

On the Black Hills, there was “spruce so dark, dark green that the Sioux called the hills black,” (p56) 

On Mount Rushmore and then the Crazy Horse monument: “The Sioux need no monuments. Their monuments are seven thousand feet high and have been there since Pre-Cambrian time,” (p58). 

On the origin of this title: “Ancient druids used to sacrifice human beings under oak trees…modern druids worship trees and sacrifice human beings to those trees. They want to save things they like, all for themselves,” (p78), a quote from Charles Fraser, developer of Hilton Head Island in South Carolina. 

Overall, this book was fair minded and nostalgic. It glorified the nature most people will never see, untouched by man, and nature that probably does not really exist anymore. It begged the questions: “what is responsible use? What does conservation really look like?” 

Thanks to my brother, Jeremy, and the Colorado Sun for the recommendation.

On All Politics is Local by Meaghan Winter

 All Politics is Local by Meaghan Winter is an interesting political analysis of Colorado, Florida, and Missouri, comparing Democratic Party/left-leaning infrastructure in each state. The book sets Colorado up as the hard-fought, recently-won bastion of progressive politics, Missouri as a battleground, and Florida as a battleground leaning right. One of the most interesting parts of reading this book was that it felt remarkably personal, as a Floridian who knows the people and the fights cited. Overall, Winter emphasizes, above all else, that state and local level long-term organizing is crucial. 

A couple of good quotes:

"It is difficult to tell a story about an absence [or nuance]" (p17). 

"They weren't softened by certainty," (p181). This quote demonstrates one of the values in being a swing state- policy is thoughtful, bipartisan, and typically long lasting. 

Thanks to my friend, Nina, for this recommendation.

On The Worst Hard Time by Timothy Egan

The Worst Hard Time by Timothy Egan was an excellent book about the Dust Bowl, the worst natural disaster in American History, which took place in the 1930s, from the Dakotas to the Texas Panhandle. The book highlighted the stories of families in different counties: Baca County in Colorado, Cimarron County in Oklahoma, and Dallam County in Texas, as well as the town of Inavale, Nebraska. The author followed families who survived the Dust Bowl and also lived through the boom and bust of wheat production. For context, the midwest, prior to the Homestead Act of 1860, was deemed "the Great American Desert" by John Wesley Powell and Stephen Long, two of the US most influential surveyors. Nevertheless, the federal government paid people to move to and sow land that was uninhabitable in the long term. While the dust bowl area had been through periodic drought, human interference tremendously exacerbated it. 

The most famous event in the Dust Bowl was Black Sunday, April 14 1935, but there were many severe dust storms; A storm in May 1934 was 1800 miles wide and carried three tons of dust for every American alive (p196). "Most Baca residents would have starved without the government..with nearly 50% of the county on relief," (p308). People were suffering, with no other place to go: "In Nebraska, you don't have to do to go to hell," (p389). 

This book was powerful in its impact and engaging to read. I highly recommend!

On Killers of the Flower Moon by David Grann

Killers of the Flower Moon by David Grann was an incredible book, both in its writing style and its verity. The book split the story in three parts: the murders, the investigation, and an afterword, about the author-reporter David Grann and his subsequent investigations related to this issue. This book was primarily about the Reign of Terror on the Osage between 1921-1925 and subsequently provided history on the FBI, which was birthed out of this set of murders. In theme with my last book, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee, Killers of the Flower Moon exemplified how Native Americans have been deceived and swindled over time. The murders of this book took place after the Osage were relocated to a reservation; after the ongoing wearing-down of their culture and way of life. 

First, the Osage were placed on their reservation, which appeared to be worthless. Each Osage was given an allotment and associated "headrights" per Osage person to their land and the earth beneath their lot. Additionally, all Osage were required to have a 'guardian' who was white, who managed all spending. This ended up creating an "Indian business" in which white people would overcharge the people they were 'guarding' (p261). Once oil was uncovered on Osage land, headrights were coveted by everyone and white people began marrying into Osage families to acquire headrights to oil-rich land. Ultimately, this is the story of how Osage were murdered for their wealth. Osage were murdered via poison, gunshot wounds, or worse, by their own spouses and neighbors. While the book focused on the 24 murders which took place between 1921 and 1925, the author reveals that, through his studies, "over 605 Osage people were murdered for their headrights between 1907 and 1923, averaging 38 people murdered per year" (p283). As a descendent of Mollie Burkhart, whose family was the center of this book, said, "This land is saturated with blood," (p291).

This book was incredible. My review is short because I lost all my notes 3/4 of the way through. I highly recommend. Many thanks to my Grandma, Anne, for originally recommending this book. 

On Bury My Heart At Wounded Knee by Dee Brown

Bury My Heart At Wounded Knee by Dee Brown was a heartbreaking account of the systematic deception and genocide of Native American tribes across America. It will probably prove to be one of the most important books I’ve read. The book covered most major battles west of the Mississippi including tribes such as Cheyenne, Arapaho, Ute, Kiowa, Comanche, Sioux, Apache, Navajos, and Modocs, as well as more bands within these tribes. Brown evaluated Native American history in relation to American western conquest; the events in this book occurred primarily between the early 1860s and the late 1880s. The author helpfully contextualized each chapter with the major events globally of that year, including things such as the publishing of Progress and Poverty, the invention of and distribution of electricity, and world wars. While Brown was an excellent writer and framed the book very well, it’s the articulate and emotional quotes of Native Americans which stand out the most, so I’ve included several here. 

Overall, this book demonstrated how much injustice and pain has been inflicted upon Native American people. The quote “the only good Indian is a dead Indian” (p178) was echoed in press, among the generals, and throughout the public for decades. People were hunted. Those in the military who spent time with Native Americans and changed their perspectives lost their power: “Lieutenant Whitman, his unpopular defense of Apache’s destroyed his military career” (p211). While some Presidents, like Grant, showed initial sympathy, no justice was ever given to Native Americans at large. Even small wins would not last. It was the overall policy of the US Government that destroyed Native American tribes, cultures, and communities. 

As a testament to the cruelty of the military post Civil War, most soldiers were drafted for the Civil War; they were not expecting to start a whole new war. Indian Agents and military generals were given tremendous authority to effectively wage wars either explicitly or by deliberately driving Native Americans off the reservation, qualifying them as enemies of the US (p264). Much of the conflict that took place was either forced by or exacerbated by Indian agents who were often derelict in their duties to provide the agreed upon rations for Native people or literally missed messages about peace treaties.  
However, even among friendly leaders, promises were not kept. The book also reviewed the tragedy of the Sand Creek Massacre, which initiated my interest in learning more about Native American history in the west. After hunting, deceiving, and murdering Cheyenne and Arapaho at the Sand Creek Massacre, the remaining chiefs were deceived into signing a treaty which relinquished all claims to Colorado. When tribes did not agree to a treaty, it was often “recommended that the government ignore the treaty…and take the land without consent of the Indians,” (p426). Other times, the promises made or agreed to were literally lost in translation, as many Native Americans did not know how to read or write in English. 

Despite this, Native Americans were remarkable  in their ability to meaningfully negotiate treaties such as the Treaty of 1868 which contained significant protections for them. However, white settlers were never punished for violating these treaties, which were US law, leading to war. This quote from Lone Wolf, of the Comanches, perfectly demonstrates the consistent pattern faced by Native American tribes: “I know that war with Washington means the extinction of my people, but we are drivento it” (p267). 
Further, there was a tremendous misunderstanding of Native American people by white people. A great example of the white savior mentality and complete disconnectedness of white peoples from Native Americans was a quote by Captain Mills who killed a Native American mother leaving the child an orphan: “I told [the neighboring soldier] I intended to adopt this little girl, as I had slain her mother…[the soldier asked if he intended to actually do so to which Mills replied] ‘It was the first time I had given that side of the matter a thought, and I decided to leave the child where I found her,” (p308).  

I want to end this review with a tragic quote from Black Elk, of the Sioux, reflecting on the Battle at Wounded Knee: “And I can see that something else died there in the bloody mud, and was buried in the blizzard. A people’s dream died there.  It was a beautiful dream,” (p443). 

Miscellaneous facts, largely related to Colorado: 

• “‘I shall cut every Indian down to the bare starvation point,’ wrote Indian Agent Meeker, for which Meeker, CO is named. 

• Ouray, Colorado is named for the best known leader of the Utes. 

• There was a significant band of Utes called the Uncompaghres, for which the national forest in western CO is named.  

• Wynkoop street in downtown Denver is named for Major Edward Wynkoop and here’s an interesting quote from him, after marching with Cheyenne, “I felt myself in the presence of superior beings; and these were the representatives of a race that I heretofore looked upon without exception as being cruel, treacherous, and bloodthirsty without feeling or affection for friend or kindred,” (p85)

• The name buffalo soldiers came from Native Americans who said that black soldiers reminded them of buffalo (p252). 

This book completely changed my perspective of the West, expanded my understanding of Native tribes, and truly enlightened me to the cruelty capable of our people. I’ve been trying to learn more about Native American history, so I found it fitting to finish this book in time for Native American Heritage Month. After all the tragedies inflicted upon Native Americans, I couldn’t help but feel disgusted by our history. 

I think this book is a must read for anybody, but especially people interested in American history or social justice. 

A huge thanks to Goodreads for this recommendation. 

On To Start A War: How the Bush Administration Took America into Iraq by Robert Draper

To Start A War: How the Bush Administration Took America into Iraq by Robert Draper was a well written historical account of the internal discussions within the Bush administration leading up to the Iraq War. The author does a great job contextualizing this time in America; prior to 9/11 America's moral superiority was related to the Soviet Union; America was unassailable in its righteousness. Looking back, I vaguely knew there was insufficient evidence to go into Iraq, but this was shocking. 

Prior to 9/11 the CIA repeatedly gave the Bush admin information that suspected 9/11 and Al-Qaeda's involvement. After 9/11, Bush asked, "who did this?," as though he hadn't been told for weeks (p42). Later, the same CIA analysts who knew 9/11 would happen were cut out of the process completely, as the Bush admin was set on invading Iraq. The author demonstrated that, leading up to the Iraq War was a myopic administration using circular logic, shutting out skepticism, and filled with internal chaos; a group so disconnected from the realities of war, they insisted their rightness, despite the expertise of people they hired. Countless pieces of intel were unduly given credibility and later were shown to be false. "The cake had been baked before the president had an opportunity to order it," (p402). People whose jobs specialized in war planning and "the day after" were "thwarted by the Defense Department," (p270) with an arrogant insistence on a 'light footprint'. 

Additionally, even external political actors, former advisors, current advisors, and paid experts all gave warnings to Bush about shaky evidence and the need for comprehensive and realistic war planning. All went unheeded. Leaders of Jordan and Egypt, Britain, France, and more, all warned the Bush administration that invading Iraq was unwise and "would create one hundred Osama Bin Ladens" (p111). 

Further, one of the more appalling components was how the conclusion was reached before the evidence, and the Bush admin truly misused the American public's trust in him. The communication around 9/11 and terrorism conflated evidence and misled people. The "American public could be exhorted 'to take what we don't know as seriously as what we do,'" (p162). Bush administration officials placed "suspicion on par with knowledge" (p173). The three judgments on which war in Iraq was predicated all proved to be untrue and were listed as low likely in intelligence reports (p248). Additionally, in response to a Congressman's concerns about war, a Bush aide responded 'Well, Congressman, we really don't need your vote," (p252). "Rumsfeld did not view rebuilding broken countries as part of his job description," (p264). "The US is ready to work with...inspectors...but we are already ready to discredit [them]," (p283). The administration clearly decided that America would invade Iraq, regardless of evidence to justify it or that it would 'work.'

This was an enlightening book and one of the first I've read that dives into foreign policy. Thanks to my brother, Jeremy, for the recommendation. 

On What It Takes: The Way to the White House by Richard Ben Cramer

What It Takes: The Way to the White House by Richard Ben Cramer marks the longest book I’ve ever read, at 1430 pages. The book follows the 1988 Presidential and prior campaigns of George HW Bush, Bob Dole, Joe Biden, Gary Hart, Michael Dukakis, and Dick Gephardt, leading up to the Republican and Democratic primaries. It was incredibly detailed, going back even to their childhoods. The two major takeaways for me were that Washington DC power is dictated by knowing and the fact that people know you know, and that a person who wants to be President of the US must give up all privacy. “In the end, we have only one nonnegotiable demand for a president...: that is totality,” (p1382). 

There were a few interesting themes in this book: the roots and personality of each candidate were similar, no candidate had the privilege of privacy, the power of the consultant class, the trend of negative and angry campaigning to gain an edge, and a shift in journalistic priorities. 

Interestingly, all the candidates were portrayed as the hope of their hardworking families, highly motivated, inspirational, driven people.  “Why would he give his life over to this, if it were not for the notion that he could do something great?” (p259); George HW Bush came from the most privilege, but he got hardworking 'credit' for having taken on the 'adventure' of leaving high society and the Northeast for desolate west Texas, seeking a fortune in oil; Bob Dole came from a part of Kansas then called “the Great American Desert”, fought in World War II, became disabled, and worked his way to Senate; Joe Biden grew up poor, living with a lot of family in a small house; Michael Dukakis came from an immigrant family who worked their way to successful lives in Brookline, MA; Gary Hart came from rural, religious Kansas; and Dick Gephardt came from a modest home and worked his way to the House. Some people had that interpersonal spark, like Bush, Biden, and even Hart, but Dole, Dukakis, and Gephardt were organizers: knocking on doors till they reached the top. All of them had that drug-like feeling, “the feeling you could make a difference- a big, thumping, history-denting difference in the lives of all those people,” (p934). Ultimately, while some candidates focused on issues, the prevailing candidate held no positions at all: Bush refused to put “himself into positions…Why should he? The fact was, he wanted to be President. He didn’t want to be President to do this or that,” (p1105). Dole took positions but was most hungry for the seat. This underscores a key difference between the candidates; the people on the Democratic side were driven to Presidency to do something, and the best candidates, those driven out, were driven out by the pressure to be something.

The book heavily focused on the personal trials associated with running for President, most especially for Gary Hart. Gary Hart knew “they’d have to come at him; They’d try to make him the issue,” (p257), and this eventually drove him out of the race. His home was staked out by press; photos manufactured; his life publicly destroyed- none of which related to his positions on real issues of presidency. They thought, “What was wrong with this guy- didn’t he believe in the public’s right to know?” and Gary Hart was the only one to really question what the public had a right to know (p558). That doubt marked the end of his political career and the end of any press support for his candidacy. After emotionally recovering from the public humiliation by the press, Hart re-entered the race compelled by his ideas. When he did, the LA Times cruelly wrote “Sit down, Gary. You have nothing to say. You have no place in public life in this country,” (p1286) meanwhile, the affair that took him down was never proven, his privacy invaded, the debate never on the issues, and his family life distraught…for nothing. The story of Gary Hart was especially disappointing and cruel to me, as he was the candidate with the most substantiated policy ideas and the most potential to impact global politics, but he never got the real chance because, in the court of the press, and thus, the court of public opinion, he was guilty of poor character. 

The book also highlights the value and power of high level campaign staff with colloquialisms like “The Big Guy” or “White Men,” as those who couldn’t be questioned on their campaign strategies, but cost the campaigns tremendous amounts of money. Bob Dole was mismanaged; he tried to give up control of his campaign and trust the process, but his guys ran snow ads in Florida and cost him over $12,000 per month. Dole and Gephardt seemed most exploited by the ‘consultant class’ with poor ads and advice. 

As the race heated up, candidates really only picked up ground by getting angry and populist. Marking the turn in Bush’s campaign, his voice held “new conviction…and contempt,” (p1219). In relation to Bush vs. Dukakis, “Blood-roar…the nation seemed to demand it, or at least expect it, in the closing days…it was ugly, brainless…but Bush kept at it,” (p1381). Bush pushed further right to attract a strong GOP base to the party including pushes to get out of the UN, despite his service as a UN ambassador (p613). Gephardt also adopted a populist isolationistic trade policy intoned with contempt and nationalism that elicited the response he needed to edge into the Iowa race. Bush and Gephardt employed contempt most, and it’s interesting to note the emotional impact geographically, most effective in South and Midwest as remnant of Nixon’s Silent Majority, as well as its use today. 

Finally, signaling the shift in journalism away from news and towards views, “what they wanted was a comment- to show they’d called, [but] a no-comment was just as good,” (p923). This put immense pressure on candidates to show up perfectly and have no personal boundaries. For candidates, “telling the story was just as important as being right” (p278). Candidates like Dole, Hart, and Dukakis hoped that the public would just see they were right. Some would be frustrated that the issues generating views were not the issues people voted on. Further, the press was often the only way to connect with voters en masse. “There’s an intimacy with the voter, the most personal vote anyone ever makes…and there’s got to be something shared, a personal, intimate connection, or it doesn’t fly,” (p332). Without the press, this wouldn’t happen. 

Overall, this book was long, but full of great political nuggets of wisdom that still ring true today. Some of my favorite extra notes and quotes are below. 

Thanks to my brother, Jeremy, for this recommendation!

Miscellaneous

“John Kennedy, and Bobby, and Martin Luther King: Just because our heroes were murdered, does not mean that the dream does not still live…buried deep…in our broken hearts,” (p379), a speech quote by Joe Biden.

Interesting thought by Joe Biden related to the Judge Bork hearings for the Supreme Court related to this idea that a river of power flows through America; some people stand at the edge and some people get to swim their whole lives, anywhere they want to go, and it comes from the Ivy League (p718).

Bob Dole “understood what the people understood: if we’re all…Standing So Tall..why am I getting screwed?” (p797). 

Joe Biden referred to some people as “got-mines”: “’Got mine…go get yours!”, people who wanted the government to do…not much” (p1273). 

On Playing Against the House: The Dramatic World of an Undercover Union Organizer by James Walsh

Playing Against the House: The Dramatic World of an Undercover Union Organizer by James Walsh was a great book about union organizing at a casino, Mardi Gras, in Miami, Florida. I've driven past this casino, and all of the other ones listed, having grown up there, which made it feel a little more close to home. I learned about a lot of union details like card-check agreements, salting, and organizing. The book was a balanced account of Walsh's experience with the zealous union organizers and the dehumanizing upper management of casinos. The experience takes place around 2011 through 2015. 

Walsh is a great writer and I think this book definitely beats Nickel and Dimed, which felt less real to me. As a salt, Walsh worked with the union and was separately hired by two casinos at different points, Calder and Mardi Gras. In these casino roles, he did his job and, on the side, began organizing towards a union through relationship building. 

I don't have too much to say on this book, but I think unions are regaining power and I'll be curious to see if this will be a long term culture shift. 

I'll leave it at a quote from Harriet, a Haitian woman who helped lead the union, after Mardi Gras executives suppressed justice for her job: "This is my job now," she said. 'Being poor is my job," (p252).

Miscellaneous:

"Housekeepers are more likely to suffer injuries on the job than coal miners by more than one percentage point," (p29).

When asked about a worker's credit when she doesn't pay the hospital bill, "she rolled her eyes...she didn't care. She wasn't planning on financing a new car or a home any time soon," (p107). 

"In 2014, Florida was home to 115,000 workers who were not union members but were covered by union contracts," because of right-to-work laws (p116). 

"Low wage jobs made up 22% of job losses during the recession but have accounted for 44 percent of job growth during the recovery," (p248). 

Thanks to Daniel Powers for recommending this book!

On Greedy by Jen Winston

Greedy: Notes from a Bisexual Who Wants Too Much by Jen Winston was a narrative read about the author's experiences as a bisexual woman. This review is short because the book didn't have a ton of facts, but it had a couple quotes any person who was an insecure middle-schooler can relate to, which I've included below. Overall, it would have been nice if this book had done a biological and social analysis of bisexuality in America. It read like a memoir which, for me, was just ok. I'm still glad I read it. Thanks, Lexie, for the recommendation. 

Miscellaneous quotes:

On the importance of place representation: "Queer bars give structure to queer communities, while literally putting those communities on the map," (p17).

"If we only focus on equality, we'll only end up achieving assimilation," (p133).

On River of Doubt: Theodore Roosevelt's Darkest Journey by Candice Miller

 River of Doubt: Theodore Roosevelt's Darkest Journey by Candice Miller was a thrilling book detailing the Roosevelt-Rondon expedition of 1913-1914 after Teddy Roosevelt lost the opportunity to serve a second full term as President of the United States in 1912. At that time, he was a co-founder of the new Progressive Party, and ultimately lost to Woodrow Wilson. Roosevelt had a history of taking on adventure in times of hardship, but this expedition was the most trying of his life. Many people know Roosevelt as a hunter, but "by the time he was in the White House....[he was also] one of [the] the most knowledgeable and experienced naturalists" in the country (p25). 

This book was incredibly descriptive of the challenges and natural miracles of the Amazon rainforest and its expedition: "Far from its outward appearance, the rain forest was not a garden of easy abundance, but precisely the opposite," some trees have developed smooth bark or bark that sheds to prevent vines from exploiting the tree's efforts to reach the sun (p138, 142). For context, penicillin wouldn't be developed for 14 years and the most dangerous tribes they encountered had crossed the Bering Strait 12,000 years prior and virtually had not seen non-native people since. 

The primary challenges faced by the expedition were posed by the rainforest and its inhabitants, human otherwise. The forest underneath the canopy was pitch black, and every living thing in the forest evolved to disappear at a moment's notice. "In the fathomless canyons of tree trunks and the shrouds of black vines that surrounded the men at night, the hum and chatter of thousands of nocturnal creatures would snap into instant silence in response to a strange noise, leaving the men to wait in breathless apprehension of what might come next," (p148). The native people who lived along the River of Doubt were known to be highly aggressive and ceremonially cannabilistic; what saved the expedition crew was the Nhambiquara requirement that all family chiefs agree on war, and that was up for debate (p301). 

The relationship between Roosevelt and his son, Kermit, was a driving force for Roosevelt's will to live, despite repeated infection and a chronic fever for several months. Roosevelt brought a lethal vial of morphine on every trip, in case he needed to end his life quicker than natural causes would allow. But Roosevelt felt that, to save his son's life, he had to try to live another day. Roosevelt chronically slipped in and out of consciousness after an injury in the river and a resulting bacterial infection. There was a moment where he asked his son if their fellow expedition mates had eaten enough to keep going, as he lay there nearly dying in the Amazon (p273). Eventually, the Brazilian doctor on the expedition operated on Roosevelt's leg in the rainforest along the river bank (p303). It could be said that this trip did kill Roosevelt; a few years after, he still had feverish fits and weakness in his legs due to the infection he suffered in the Amazon. When he did pass away, his son was driven to suicide, as Roosevelt expected. 

Overall, this book was fantastic. It was an inspiring account in the Age of Exploration and helped contextualize my understanding of scientific expeditions, especially after reading about John Wesley Powell earlier this month.

Miscellaneous:

An earlier explorer, Orellana, named the Amazon rainforest for the native women he encountered who were said "to have removed their right breast so that they could more effectively shoot a bow and arrow," and comes from the Greek words to mean "no breast" (p202). 

Thanks to my friend, Daniel V, for recommending this book!

On Fever In The Heartland by Timothy Egan

Fever in the Heartland: The Ku Klux Klan's Plot to Take Over America, and the Woman Who Stopped Them by Timothy Egan was a captivating read on the true plan behind the KKK's rapid ascension to power in the 1920s and its second wave. The Klan's first wave of popularity was in the South, post-Reconstruction between 1866 and 1872, before President Grant declared it "the most atrocious organization that the civilized part of the world has ever known," (p20). This book focused on how the Klan rose to control an entire state, Indiana, and was on its way to controlling significant parts of the North in its second wave of membership.

The 1920s are typically characterized by ideas of Gatsby-esque parties and flagrant defiance of social norms, and the KKK is typically characterized by the South. This book demonstrates that neither was truly the case. The KKK's most rapid expansion of membership and power was in the north and midwest, in Indiana, Colorado, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. This book primarily follows the ascent and personality of D.C. Stephenson, head of the Indiana KKK in the 1920s. He was a sketchy character who lied compulsively and turned on a dime. The people who followed him didn't know who he really was and they didn't need to: '"I did not sell the Klan in Indiana on hatreds,' Stephenson said. 'I sold it on Americanism.'" (p12). Stephenson found weak pockets in Indiana institutions: he bribed ministers and politicians, exploited a law legalizing vigilantism, and played to people's fears. Through his financial scheme ($10 to become KKK, and he'd take $4), he used his tremendous wealth and the organization's tremendous wealth to control politics. Meanwhile he kept the machine going by bribing community members to preach the Klan and drive membership. 

The Klan was successful in a number of its policy goals including Prohibition and immigration quotas, the latter of which ended up having significant impacts on Jewish safety pre-, during, and post-Holocaust/WW2. The Klan was behind the Scopes trial in Tennessee, preaching that evolution was part of a Jewish plot (p191). According to the KKK, the Jews controlled movies, jewelry, clothes and banks; the Greeks controlled all restaurants and bakeries, Italians the fruit and produce, and the Catholics were controlling politics and religion (p199). 

Remarkable parallels to today, as always. The flu pandemic of 1918-1919 had taken tremendous lives, the Great War as well, and so people were looking for social connection, and the Klan advertised as such. Historians went so far as to say that the rising membership was rooted in "the deadly tedium of small-town life,...The KKK filled a need," (p105). Before long, people were joining because their neighbors were, and didn't fully realize the goals of the KKK, or didn't realize how wrong they were.

Facts about Colorado:
By 1924, one in seven voters in Denver were members of the Klan. 

"In Colorado, an open Klansman, Clarence Morley, won the governorship," (p8) and at the same time, Benjamin Stapleton, another open Klansman, won the Denver mayoral seat. This is why the neighborhood Stapleton is no longer named for him. 

This mayor, "elected in 1923, named fellow members of the Invisible Empire as police chief and city attorney. One night alone, the Klan set seven crosses ablaze throughout Denver. They would soon be 'the largest and most cohesive, most efficiently organized political force in the state of Colorado," (p113).
"The Klan terrorized Jewish, Italian, Black, and Latino neighborhoods in Denver, and could count on brothers under the sheets in law enforcement to avoid arrest," (p139).

 
The Colorado Klan "referenced scientific evidence as proof that 'descendants of savage ancestors or the jungle environment' along with certain immigrants were unfit to ever govern the United States," and urged passage of their own forced sterilization law (p96).

Miscellaneous
I knew Woodrow Wilson was a racist, but I did not realize he was roommates with the creator of Birth of. A Nation and even said "The white men were roused by a mere instinct of self-preservation...until at least there had sprung into existence a great Ku Klux Klan, a veritable empire of the South, to protect the Southern country," (p29). Keep in mind this was POST-Civil War. 

Our eugenics, racism, and hate, was pre-Hitler, and even inspired Hitler (p54). 70,000 people across the US were forcibly sterilized due to the work of D.C. Stephenson and the laws enacting this were models for Hitler (p94). 

The nickname "Fighting Irish" for Notre Dame stuck after Notre Dame students physically fought the Klan, who tried to march on and intimidate the Catholic students. 

An optimistic quote about the Klan: "the air of America is too friendly to permit such a disease to last," (p278). 

Big thanks to my dad for recommending this book. I learned a lot and liked it so much I finished it in 4 days!

On Beyond the Hundredth Meridian by Wallace Stegner

Beyond the Hundredth Meridian by Wallace Stegner is all about John Wesley Powell and his plans for the West. It starts with his first expedition on the Colorado River and chronicles his career as he eventually becomes a DC bureaucrat who provided order to governmental science. This book ended up strongly relating to Cadillac Desert and partially to Progress and Poverty, both 2022 reads. Fundamentally, this book demonstrated that John Wesley Powell's ideas about land use planning were too far ahead for the late 19th century. 

Value of first survey

Reading about John Wesley Powell's 1864 expedition was exhilarating; I am glad the book was written in 1954 when the author could describe the rapids as they once were because all of the rivers they rafted have been dammed. John Wesley Powell assembled a motley crew of random people from relatives to people he found along the way; I think one of the most impressive parts was that there was no mutiny. Powell also uniquely built relationships with Native Americans: "Powell respected them, and earned their respect, because he accepted without question their right to be what they were, to hold to the beliefs and institutions natural to them," (p169). 

Politics 

After John Wesley Powell's first survey in 1864, he delegated additional surveys to his trustees and began focusing on the work in Washington: "he began to care more about efficient organization and the public good which federal science ought to serve," than carrying out that work personally (p.257). Powell led the charge to revolutionize the system of land surveying, policy, and farming tailored to the West. The West received minimal rainfall, especially compared to the East Coast, creating challenges that could not be approached with the same policy making as the East Coast. Powell's career was made in land management policy for the West. He had fears, later realized, that land speculation around irrigation projects would occur and that poor parcels would go to the Jeffersonian yeoman farmer but great parcels would go to big corporations. His primary plans included a recommendation of 80 acres for homesteads with irrigation and 2560 acres for pasture farms versus the standard 160 acres to everybody. However, those numbers accounted for native grass species and their growth rates (p.275). Additionally, he wanted to close all the public domain until reservoir locations were decided, so as to prevent speculation.

Although Powell had the expertise and data to back these suggestions up, the idyllic dream of all pioneers becoming successful farmers persisted. Politicians like William Gilpin, first Governor of Colorado, spread lies about the soil quality and rainfall to lure more settlers. When the droughts finally came, it was the little guys who suffered the most. Ultimately, Powell's ideas were taken down by Western politicians, worried about their states viability: "The wise system of land laws had marched the West swiftly and directly toward homesteader failure and land and water monopoly by corporations and individuals...there would be fewer...happy farmers in large parts of Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado, Oklahoma, and the Dakotas in 1940 than there were in the peak year of 1890," (p.403). While Powell's foresight was ignored by those "who feared government sponsorship of science," his work with the US Geological Survey, Bureau of Ethnology, and more, became the models for the Forest Service, National Park Service, and Soil Conservation Service, (p.410). This book showed that John Wesley Powell did tremendous work for government science and the public, in addition to being the non-Native person who 'found' the Grand Canyon (which is pretty cool). 

Miscellaneous

There were a couple of interesting tidbits to this book: 1) John Wesley Powell, Abraham Lincoln, and Mark Twain were all cut from the same cloth of a homegrown midwest education. John Wesley Powell "had unlocked a region" (p.149). Powell's view of land management was anti-speculation, so it was highly influenced by Henry George, who published Progress and Poverty around the same time. 

Thanks to my brother, Jeremy, for the recommendation. 

On The Holly by Julian Rubinstein

 The Holly by Julian Rubinstein was published in 2021. It chronicles gang violence in Northeast Park Hill, Denver, CO centering on a former gang member turned activist turned current candidate for public office, Terrance Roberts. 

This book was filled with fascinating background on the Five Points and Northeast Park Hill neighborhoods of Denver, CO. For example, “In 1879, Five Points grew during the ‘Exoduster Movement’ in which approximately forty thousand former slaves headed west to Kansas, Oklahoma, and Colorado. By the turn of the century…[Five Points] was said to have more Black-owned businesses than any place west of Harlem,” (p18). It also gave excellent perspective on what drives people to participate in gang violence at all. 

The two biggest gangs through the mid 2000s were the Bloods and Crips, which came from Los Angeles. The Denver versions were the Northeast Park Hill Bloods and the Rollin’ 30 Crips. This book is a story of complex social and economic issues: of over policing, lack of services, and lack of oversight/activity for kids. One of the most startling realizations that came from this book was how young these people were: 13 years old to 24 years old. 

The sticking point for me was that there is an “Invisible Denver” and an invisible part of every city where there’s war on the streets. This book really opened my eyes to an entirely new perspective on the impacts of social services and a sense of ownership in a community. For future and active gang members, “they hoped one day to be the defenders of the hood. There was no higher honor,” (p53). Further, it’s hard to believe that, a couple of blocks from Northeast Park Hill is wealthy Park Hill, but gang violence never really abated. The residents of Park Hill lived their lives unaware of their neighbors opposite experience.

This is also a story of a neighborhood trying to redevelop and being the  victims of displacement. Our governmental bureaucracy can be used for good or it can be used for injustice. In Northeast Park Hill, it was, from the perspective of residents, the latter: “The city used a ‘nuisance abatement’ law that enabled it to seize properties for which complaints had been filed. In 2018, one of the places, the Platte Valley Projects, where George Roberts lived, was slated to be mostly demolished. George was given three weeks to move. He accepted relocation to a building on the I-70 corridor, in the most polluted zip code in the country. Meanwhile, real estate in Five Points boomed,” (p338).  

Not only does Rubinstein give a very human perspective of gang violence on an interpersonal level, but also on a systematic level. “The Black Panthers, Hoover believed, were ‘the greatest threat to the internal security of the country,” (p36). The author also describes the interactions between gang members and gang members and federal and local law enforcement as primarily one of mistrust as well as one of informational transactions. Towards the end of the book, Rubinstein builds a case for reform of ATF, FBI, and local law enforcement gang-busting tactics as he provides evidence indicating that these entities employ active gang members who are working against their own mission. Rubinstein was intentional to tie this relationship to the perceived undermining of black activist groups, including during the recent Black Lives Matter protests. 

Overall, this book gave me a totally new perspective and opened my eyes. Thank you, Denver YIMBY, for recommending this book!

An interesting quote: 

“There’s an old saying: ‘I’d rather be tried by twelve than carried by six,’” (p218). 

On Seminole Wars

Linking to Jeremy's blog post on this one because he wrote such a comprehensive summary: https://whatjeremyreads.blogspot.com/2023/05/floridas-seminole-wars-1817-1858-by-joe.html

Overall, the book was information dense and a good read!

On Driven to Distraction by Dr. Ed Hallowell and Dr. John Ratey

Driven to Distraction by Drs. Hallowell and Ratey reads as a comprehensive and narrative evidence-based publication on ADD. It was originally published in the 1990s and I read the second edition from 2011. This book was an excellent deep dive into ADD as a neurological disorder. Even though the book was written in 2011, there is still considerable social stigma against mental disorders over a decade later, including ADD. It can be confusing to see high functioning people with 'so much potential' not make it because of a 'lack of motivation.' I put these phrases in quotes as general sayings. The authors directly address the moral implications of actions of people with ADD and provide evidence-based explanations which do not serve as an excuse but remove blame. The authors are careful to remind the reader at every opportunity that, if they think they may have ADD, they must get two opinions. For example, the authors review a number of varieties of ADD which may co-occur with other mental disorders and, at the end of this list, make a point to distinguish "pseudo-ADD." The important distinction is that ADD is not just a phenomenon of getting distracted but "the person with true ADD experiences the symptoms most of the time and experiences them more intensely than the average person [and the symptoms] tend to interfere with everyday life," (p.237). As American society uses social media more, seeks high stimulation, immediate gratification, and the like, more people may experience more ADD-like symptoms. However, the key is getting two professional opinions. The authors note that, if everyone identifies with ADD, the actual disorder loses its significance and those who are experiencing true ADD may not get the appropriate care they need. On that note, the authors back up their point with an entire instructional chapter, "How Do I Know If I Have It?" Additionally, the last several chapters hold instructional tips on how to manage adult and child ADD with things everyone can use like the "O.H.I.O- Only Handle It Once" rule which is based on the fact that a to-do pile for people with ADD is a never done pile (p.298). A lot of the coping mechanisms for ADD are just plain good ways to live life. The authors emphasize the value of regular physical exercise (not just for hyperactive, but also for the 'daydreamers'), lists, structure, color coding, and calendars. 

Overall, the sticking point of this book is that the medical community and the world's understanding of ADD has changed significantly over a few decades and that treatments vary according to severity. Mental disorders are tricky like that- everyone is so different and one medication may be perfect for person X, but person Y with the same disorder may do well without medication and solely a diagnosis and education. I was happy to read this book after Galileo's Middle Finger because it was pretty much all facts and I learned a lot. 

The highlights I took away:

• A diagnosis and some understanding can go a long way for treatment and self compassion. While ADD is difficult to handle, one of the most painful side effects is low self-esteem. 
• ADD brings challenges but so much beauty. The authors distinguish a few different frameworks of treating ADD and advocate for the disinhibition framework which reframes the thought from "People with ADD can't focus on anything" to "People with ADD focus on everything" (p.336).
• It seems key to find ADD when people are children because the information is hard to come by as an adult. 

The authors also provided an interesting theory about why ADD may be more common in America than other countries: "The people who founded our country, and continued to populate it over time...had to be willing to take an enormous risk in boarding a ship and crossing the ocean...they were action-oriented, independent...The higher prevalence of ADD in our current society may be due to its higher prevalence among those who settled America," (p.235). I don't know if it's even possible to verify this, but I liked the idea. It makes logical sense that a country of risk-taking immigrants would be genetically predisposed to a lack of inhibition and ADD. 

Interesting traits of ADD I never knew were associated with ADD:

• ADD fundamentally has inhibition issues, so people with ADD can get angrier quicker and become very sensitive easily. It can be associated with mood swings due to a lack of inhibition.
• Some people with ADD crave conflict unconsciously because of its value purely as stimulation (p175)
• People with ADD tend to be ultra creative because their brains are firing so much, "it increases the number of collisions," (p.220).

Thank you, Brenda, my therapist for recommending this book!

On The Blueprint: How Democrats Won Colorado by Adam Schrager and Rob Witwer

The Blueprint: How Democrats Won Colorado by Adam Schrager and Rob Witwer was a short book reviewing the political and organization strategy employed by a key group of political power players in Colorado from about 2000-2008. The book was published in 2010. I’d be curious for an updated edition as Colorado appears solidly blue and one of the key players, Jared Polis, is now Governor of Colorado in his second term. 

This book’s main point can be summed up by a quote from Jon Caldara, Republican and president of the Independence Institute in the Epilogue: “Democrats won with equal parts spectacular Democratic strategy, massive funding, and Republican implosion,” (p167). It’s interesting, as a young, relatively progressive person, to read about a very recent time when progressive politics and Democrats were so strongly in the lead. I wonder where this infrastructure is now. 

Additionally,  the book really highlighted that the key to political success is infrastructure and unity. It’s all about the long game. It’s interesting to think about this now in the context of political messaging today. For example, Democrats in CO had relatively few donors, but they were significant. Progressives today largely focus on small contributions, which make them more liable to a million different messages and less likely to please everyone. I’m not sure this is necessarily a bad phenomenon by any means, but each side (few donors, big contributions vs a lot of donors with small contributions) has its merits according to scale of a race. 

Overall, I found this book to be remarkably insightful, even handed in its opinions (many Republican lawmakers/players were quoted), and helpful for my entry into Colorado in a month. This book was a fantastic introduction to Colorado politics and I look forward to seeing the landscape for myself. It was filled with time tested and universally applicable quotes, which I’ve shared below.

Quotes: 

“‘If you rush it, it’ll die.’ This quality of patience would, in time, prove invaluable to the coalition-building at the heart of the Democratic turnaround in Colorado,” (p57). 

“Brilliant organization, unlimited resources, and the effective use of technology all in the hands of bright people who are driven by more than just simple ideology create the most formidable campaign strategy imaginable,” from former Republican congressman Tom Tancredo (p157). 

“The rise of outside funding is frustrating to candidates. At least it should be if it isn’t…I think the other thing is, people are so burned out on politics you’re not getting the really good people. You’re getting the fringe in both sides. And I blame both parties there,” - Norma Anderson, former Colorado state senator (R) p164 

On Galileo’s Middle Finger by Alice Dreger

Galileo’s Middle Finger by Alice Dreger is about bioethics and medical research with the main focus on sexual organs in young people. The chapters break out to issues on intersex children and nonconsensual surgeries related to a misunderstanding of the relationship between sexual organs, sexual orientation, and gender identity; activist-academic “cancel culture”; and the treatment of fetuses during the prenatal period and pregnant women in the effort to prevent sexual ambiguity. The book uses a lot of opinion statements and colloquial language. In many ways, it’s more of a commentary than a scientific or objective exploration of these issues. However, that’s sort of Dreger’s point, that objectivity and pursuit of truth without a pursuit of justice is useless, “that truth and justice cannot exist without the other,” (p262). So, the book is opinionated in a way that tracks with her world views. 

At large, I really liked the topics addressed in this book and would have appreciated more objectivity and information about why intersex birth happens, side effects including psychological, and then moving into the unethical surgeries taking place on young people without consent. Because I didn’t have the background, it took me a little longer to fully appreciate the magnitude of this issue. An interesting facet of this book is that Dreger is self-identifying as a highly liberal feminist who also maintains that a key principle of democracy is a free academic society. This is a valid and important point which demonstrates the nuance of today’s politics, once she must go on defensive against “identity politics” (p22). Effectively, it’s a demonstration of the infighting she was a victim of and potentially perpetrated (though that wasn’t in this book) amongst people who, at baseline, agree with each other. To her credit, there is a webpage dedicated to attacking her as a right-wing extremist by a person named in the book, Andrea James. 

Additionally, I was not sure why Dreger owns the stance of others, including somewhat controversial situations, in her book. I suppose this was in the pursuit of academic freedom but I found it confusing. Throughout the book, the author emphasized the ongoing and ever-worsening struggle to communicate nuanced topics effectively in the Age of [Dis]information. I don’t know what the answer is and it would have been nice for Dreger to suggest one. The difficulty in communicating scientific topics that are also political is a very real problem, but this book doesn’t address that head on, only alludes to it.

Overall, I would have liked more information on the biological and anatomical pieces of intersex, autogynephilia, and the like. However, the last section provided excellent background on congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH). I would have appreciated all the chapters following that model. 

Dreger’s ending is an inspirational invocation of our Founding Fathers and our precious governmental system ending the book like this: “Evidence really is an ethical issue, the most important ethical issue in a modern democracy. If you want justice, you must work for truth. And if you want to work for truth, you must do a little more than wish for justice.” (p263). 

Nevertheless, it is not a specific call to action or solution.

Miscellaneous quotes: 

“CAH-affected women are more likely to be bisexual or lesbian, and less likely to be interested in becoming mothers,” (p194). 

In response to a disappointing reaction from the federal government, “How often in the history of major medical ethical travesties has the government, when called upon to act, done the right thing the first time around?” (p230) 

Relating to the ongoing push for expedient research for funding and shifting priorities in academia, “who needs fact-checking when accuracy is not rewarded and sloppiness is rarely punished?” (p259) 

Thank you to my husband, Josh, for the suggestion! 

On The Ten Year War by Jonathan Cohn

The overarching theme of The Ten Year War is that, for at least a few more years, any major legislation will follow a political process similar to that of the Affordable Care Act. One must grasp “the true nature of the opposition..secure at least some buy-in” from the opposition (p.398). But, policy making today is changed by the ongoing political polarization across America as well as the need for social media-friendly soundbites that neglect any nuance of meaningful widespread public understanding. The ultimate issue any ambitious policy maker will face is taking a good idea and figuring out what can actually survive the political process. The healthcare system we see today is a product of such compromises. 

In describing the history of healthcare legislation in America, the author reminds me of Stayin Alive, a book I read about union political power in the 1960s and 70s. The author describes the effort by politically potent unions to “pressure Democrats to hold off, figuring the extra leverage would lead to a better overall [healthcare] package. It didn’t,” (p24). Furthermore, trust in government declined in the midst of major civil rights legislation, which led a “large swath of white voters [to be] angry over federal interventions on behalf of African Americans,” (p25). It didn’t help that Reagan fostered a distrust by American voters in the government he ran, which led Americans to be fairly suspicious of any major social legislation for decades to come. 

Demonstrating a significant indicator of the political shift over the last 25 years even with the same people, the author cites internal Republican conflict: “McConnell was primarily focused on gaining and keeping power for his party. DeMint was trying to change the party itself,” (p189). As McConnell caught on that voters liked the shift rightward, Republicans who were passionate about health policy and engaged in negotiations could not vote to approve the ACA if they wanted election support. This (largely successful) effort to shift the Republican party further right has now been taken up by an increasingly powerful Freedom Caucus with the likes of Marjorie Taylor Green and Lauren Boebert. Conversely, an ideological comparison (though less harmful) is that of the Progressive Caucus. I want to be careful to note here that Progressive Caucus is generally not inciting violence and is an ideological counterpart, not equally bad or good. 

The book documents the long term shift Republicans have focused on. People today wonder how Florida, for example, has become so right-wing fascist. The answer is that the effort began almost 50 years ago. One example can be found in right-leaning courts across the country. Another example can be found in the Federalist Society, which began in the 1970s as a law student organization and grew into an association for conservatives who believed there was a “liberal hegemony over both academia and the courts” (p255). Overall, I found this book to be a fascinating inside look into one of the most significant pieces of legislation since FDR. This book has far-reaching insightful political analysis related to both health policy and partisanship in America. 

Many thanks, Jeremy, for this recommendation. 

Miscellaneous quotes:

“‘The work goes on, the cause endured, the hope still lives, and the dream shall never die,’” from Ted Kennedy (p104)

 “There is common strength in common vulnerability,” (p396).